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Analysis

Europe is tired of the influx

European governments do not know what to do with migrants

However, as Lenta.ru writes, there are those who support Cameron's idea. On one hand, European governments understand that they cannot do without migrant workers. On the other, they do not want to pay benefits to foreigners, among whom there are many so-called social tourists – people seeking not work but social benefits in wealthy countries.

London has muddied the waters

The British prime minister's speeches in Europe were awaited with anxiety. He had repeatedly spoken of London's intention to limit the number of migrants entering the United Kingdom. In Brussels and European capitals that considered such an approach contrary to EU rules, they breathed a sigh of relief when the package of restrictive measures was finally announced.

According to Cameron's plan, migrants who fail to find work within six months will be deported from the kingdom. They will also be unable to claim benefits and other social payments. Moreover, even working migrants will only be able to receive tax credits, child benefits, and social housing after living in the UK for at least four years. Vagrant and begging foreigners will also face deportation. Entry to the United Kingdom will be closed to them for the next 12 months. Cameron's cabinet also wants EU migrants to pay for the services of the British healthcare system.

In Cameron's opinion, Britain should be able to independently determine its policy on migrants. And although EU membership is beneficial for the kingdom, the prime minister emphasized that "nothing is ruled out" if Brussels turns a deaf ear to his concerns. In doing so, he once again made it clear that London could leave the union.

This is not the first time David Cameron has blackmailed the European Union with a divorce. A referendum on the United Kingdom's membership in the EU is scheduled for 2017. In May 2015, general parliamentary elections will take place, which undoubtedly influence the tone of statements and actions of British politicians. The prime minister is no exception and also has to think about electoral prospects. He is under strong pressure from Eurosceptics – both in his own party and from the UK Independence Party (UKIP) – who demand toughness on migration.

Last year, the UK had 4.9 million foreigners (7.9 percent of the population). Of these, according to the "International Migration Outlook 2014" compiled by experts at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), 1.27 million came from Eastern Europe. More than half – 679,000 – are Poles, who constitute 14 percent of all foreigners living in the 'Foggy Albion.' On the British Isles, there are roughly as many of them as the population of Krakow.

Unsurprisingly, it was the Poles who first responded to David Cameron's proposals. Polish Minister for European Affairs Rafał Trzaskowski threatened to block Cameron's initiatives if they were not also applied to Britons. He stated that the reform of the migrant welfare system is unacceptable and, in Warsaw's view, crosses a "red line." The Polish government is ready to discuss violations committed by Polish citizens in the UK, but will never agree to discrimination based on nationality.

Of course, London will not be able to secure the consent of all EU members. Therefore, Cameron will likely fight for the abolition of the veto right on important decisions. It is quite possible to get the support of two-thirds of EU members, given that other European heavyweights – Germany, France, Italy, Spain – are also dissatisfied with the influx of migrants from the eastern part of the continent, although they try not to publicize their discontent.

London also counts on the support of the Netherlands. Polls published at the start of the year show that about 80 percent of Dutch people do not want to see Romanians and Bulgarians in their country, who since January 1, 2014, have been able to travel freely across Europe in search of work. The newcomers not only irritate native residents but have also become a headache for the Dutch Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment. Last year, according to the national statistics office, about 600,000 foreigners lived in the country. Twenty thousand of them claim benefits and payments.

But David Cameron most hopes for support from Berlin. There are grounds for this, since Germany has four times as many migrants as Britain. According to an OECD study, Germany accounted for almost 30 percent of all European migrants in 2012, while the United Kingdom accounted for only seven percent.

Everyone to fight "Sozialtourismus"

Every year in Germany, they choose the word that evokes the most negative emotions in Germans. The results of this year's competition are not yet known. It is possible that for the second year in a row, "Sozialtourismus" will win, which, as is easy to guess, means "social tourism." Citizens of Eastern European countries move to wealthy Western countries as migrant workers, but instead of looking for work, they immediately go on benefits – that is what social tourism is.

Second place on the list of negatively perceived concepts last year was taken by another word related to migration – "Armutszuwanderung," which literally means "poverty migration."

Of course, the German authorities want to limit payments to 'social tourists'. The other day, the Bundesrat, a legislative body that is often incorrectly called the upper house of parliament, adopted a law to combat Sozialtourismus. Some points of this document are very reminiscent of David Cameron's program. For example, under the new law, authorities can deport migrants who have not worked for six months. Those caught in fraud will be treated even more harshly. They will be banned from entering Germany for five years.

The rules for receiving child benefits have also been tightened. Only parents with a tax ID can claim them. One can obtain a tax ID by getting a job. In addition, a clause in the law on children will prevent fraudsters from receiving child benefits both in their home country and in Germany.

The initiator of the adoption of the tough law against migrants was the Bavarian conservative party Christian Social Union (CSU) – the junior partner of Angela Merkel's CDU in the Grand Coalition. The law was passed after a nod from Luxembourg. The European Court of Justice upheld the decision of a German court in the high-profile case of 24-year-old Romanian woman Elisabeta D. She came to Germany in 2010 with a young son and received benefits for him. She was also given the benefit due to a single parent raising a child. However, Elisabeta's attempt to obtain additional welfare benefits failed. She was refused on the grounds that she had not lived in the country long enough, was not looking for work, and was content with social payments, i.e., she is a typical representative of Sozialtourismus.

After the German court sided with the authorities, Elisabeta D. appealed to Luxembourg. The European Commission supported the plaintiff, but the European Court of Justice found the defendant's arguments more convincing. 'The authorities of an EU member state have the right to refuse social payments and benefits to an economically inactive migrant who has exercised the right to free movement with the sole purpose of gaining access to that state's social welfare system,' the ruling states.

The story of Elisabeta D. nearly caused a split in the ruling coalition last year. Although Angela Merkel, along with most German politicians, advocates for the free movement of EU citizens throughout the Union, she has to take into account the opinions of her allies from the CSU and the increasingly popular eurosceptic party Alternative for Germany (AfD).

Last year, 437,000 citizens of other countries came to Germany in search of a better life. In 2014, there will be even more. The number of migrants from Romania and Bulgaria has grown particularly sharply. In 2004, there were 35,000 Romanians; by 2012, there were almost 181,000.

Several German cities in 2013 asked the government for financial assistance due to the sharp influx of unskilled foreigners who come to Germany for benefits. They not only strain social services but also contribute to rising crime.

Swiss Paradox

In neighboring Switzerland, which is not an EU member but is in the center of Europe, the situation with migrants is quite complicated. On November 30, a referendum was held on three issues, and one of them concerned migration. The proposal of the environmental movement Ecopop was to limit the number of migrants to two-tenths of a percent of Switzerland's population. Simple calculations show that the number of arrivals would then decrease fivefold: from the current 80,000 to 16,000 people.

Residents of the Alpine republic did not support the Ecopop proposal. 74 percent voted against introducing the limit. According to experts, economic concerns were decisive. The Swiss decided that it would be harder for employers to find skilled labor. Moreover, such a ban would violate the international obligations assumed by Bern and would damage the country's image.

The result of the vote, despite the clear majority of opponents of limiting the number of migrants, remained uncertain until the referendum itself. First, in percentage terms, there are many more migrants in Switzerland than in Great Britain or Germany. Almost every fourth resident of the Alpine republic is a foreigner – 1.96 million (23 percent) out of 8.19 million people living in Switzerland according to the Federal Statistical Office (FSO). These are mainly Europeans – 1.3 million. In terms of population, Switzerland ranks 95th in the world, but in terms of number of migrants, it ranks sixth! The number of migrants per native resident in the Confederation is twice as high as in the European Union. Last year, 81,000 people came to Switzerland. Moreover, they come mainly from the same countries that citizens of Eastern European states strive to go to: there are most Italians and Germans in Switzerland.

Second, in February, the Swiss voted in a similar referendum for the return of quotas on migration of workers from the European Union. They were not stopped by the fact that this effectively violates the existing agreement between Bern and Brussels on the free movement of labor, signed in 1999. 50.4 percent of participants in the February referendum voted for the proposal of the far-right Swiss People's Party to tighten migration policy. Quotas are planned to be introduced by February 2017.

Critics of the government's migration policy point out that Switzerland attracts foreigners not by its picturesque views, but by the support they receive during the lengthy process of considering their requests for a residence permit. It is not surprising that little Switzerland, according to the UN, accepts more migrants than countries like Australia and Canada, which are also far from last on the list of countries popular with those who for some reason cannot live in their homeland.