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Integration

What do Albanian plums taste like?

European leaders have more than once expressed gratitude to Albania for its support. Thus, the then French Foreign Minister Hubert Védrine, during his visit to Tirana in 2001, asked the Albanian government to “continue the great contribution to the mission of the European powers in Kosovo, Macedonia and Bosnia,” emphasizing common views. All this gives Tirana hope to sign an agreement with the EU as early as 2005 and join the Union in 2014. But will what is planned go so smoothly?

Integration into the EU is the largest political project in Albanian history and a real chance to make an unprecedented leap in the development of a sustainable democratic system and a functioning market economy. However, historically determined economic and political backwardness, internal instability and the conflict experienced in Southeastern Europe do not allow Tirana's ambitious plans to be implemented quickly.

Albania, with a population of 3.4 million people, is one of the most beautiful but poor Balkan countries. The homeland of the legendary Skanderbeg, which freed itself from the Ottoman yoke and became an independent state in 1913, received a heavy legacy. Traditional struggle of local clans, Muslim radicalism, traditions of blood revenge and banditry, poverty - these are the realities of today's Albania.

Since 1990, market relations have been developing in the country, but per capita income today averages €1,600 per year. Officially, unemployment reaches 15%, but in reality it can be twice as high. The Albanian people, overthrowing in 1991 the most closed authoritarian communist regime that had existed for half a century, hoped that the country would quickly take the path of democracy and economic revival. But they threw the baby out with the bathwater - the undoubted successes of the People's Republic of Albania in industry and education. Therefore, disappointment awaited Albanians.

In a short period, factories and plants were destroyed, experienced specialists were dismissed, the small oil-producing sector came to a halt, agriculture fell into decay (even greenhouses where vegetables and flowers were grown were eliminated). In 1997, the majority of Albanians who had invested money in financial pyramids lost all their savings. Sali Berisha (a cardiologist, professor, who led the democratic opposition in the 1990s and became president of Albania in 1992) tried with all his might to hold on to power in a country where thousands-strong demonstrations had begun. He attempted to blame everything on foreign conspirators, as well as on the former head of state R. Alia (the “Albanian Gorbachev”) and the communists.

Under conditions of political confusion in Albania, all democratic regimes inexplicably quickly turn into dictatorial ones. This was already the case in the 20th century with Alexander Zogu, who tried to modernize Albania in 1925, but three years later became a king-dictator. So it was with the communist Enver Hoxha (1945-1985), who, having become entangled in political and international intrigues, became a dictator for decades, destroying all the initial conquests of the Albanian people. The same happened with the democrat S. Berisha, who tried to return to dictatorial tactics - arrests of communists, bans on freedom of information and the activities of the opposition. As a result, an even greater crisis struck the country, numerous rallies began, which quickly grew into an uprising that swept the entire country. Bank-deceived depositors, having seized army warehouses, occupied Tirana and held it for two weeks, and provincial cities for much longer. Only a seven-thousand-strong contingent of UN troops managed to stop the country's self-destruction.

The opponents of S. Berisha from the Socialist Party, the successor to the Albanian Party of Labour, won the new elections with 53% of the vote. Having a majority in the People's Assembly, the socialists - Prime Minister, intellectual Fatos Nano and President, renowned physicist Rexhep Meidani - tried to lead the country out of crisis. They tried to solve the financial problem, revive the economy, restore law and order, adopt a new constitution, begin the fight against corruption, and much more. But even with harsh methods, they failed to hold back the growing wave of crime and the flourishing shadow economy. Both parties turned out to be at war: in the north, the democrats led by S. Berisha strengthened their positions; in the south, the socialists led by F. Nano. The fierce domestic political struggle, linked to the interests of two warring clans and regions, slowed down all reforms.

The processes of Albania's integration into NATO and the EU have become a saving goal and a guarantee of its future. In 2004, President Alfred Moisiu called integration the “highest priority of Albania.” The official authorities have committed themselves to correcting the situation in accordance with European norms and have called on citizens to diligently implement the entire complex of the national “Reform Plan for 2001-2010” to prepare for membership in European structures.

The European Union has been providing significant assistance to Albania since 1991. Over 14 years, it allocated €1,273.1 million, of which the bulk (€812.9 million) was transferred under the PHARE program (1991-2000), and from 2001 to the present - under the CARDS program. A significant part is provided as loans by the European Investment Bank ($149 million). EU programs, together with the Council of Europe, help Albania develop the judicial system, improve the work of the police, which must fight organized crime and protect citizens, the activities of customs services, and create statistical services. Money is spent on improving energy networks, transport arteries, water supply, raising the living standard of the provinces, and so on.

In recent years, Albania has achieved significant economic growth. Industrial production increased by 7%, and inflation fell to 4% per year (in 1992 it was 226%). The EU allocated €120 million for agricultural development, which facilitated the creation of a market for agricultural land. This sector of the economy, where the private sector exceeds 90%, has the best chances for rapid development. Today, more than 30 firms produce environmentally clean products, ranging from olive oil to honey, hoping to soon become their supplier to Europe. However, Albania is still forced to first import glass containers from Italy and then, after bottling olive oil, sell it abroad.

In 1991, after the fall of the communist regime, the country immediately began to stir - some went to Tirana or Durres, the country's largest port, in search of work, while more than a million Albanians left their homeland. About 750,000 Albanians work officially in neighboring Greece (another 300,000 illegally), and approximately 250,000 in Italy. The money they send home amounted to about ?1 billion in 2004, almost half of the national budget. A slow process of the return of people who want to apply their knowledge and money earned abroad at home has begun. Illegal migration across the Adriatic Sea has declined.

EU programs operate in the field of education, help build civil society, and protect human rights. They contributed to a surge in legislative activity, resulting in the adoption of laws in all major areas of reform.

Familiarization with European values also occurs through the mass media. The Albanian population can watch Italian and Greek television, listen to the BBC, Deutsche Welle, Radio France Internationale, Radio Free Europe, and Voice of America. Europe helps in creating programs for television and radio. Albanian radio and television broadcast under intense competition from numerous private companies that sprouted like mushrooms after rain in the late 1990s. The only restriction is the ban on parties, religious groups, and state officials owning private radio and television channels. Seven daily newspapers are published in Albania.

In recent years, Albania has restored relations with all its neighbors, signing the Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe. Special relations are developing with Greece. Greek investments in Albania exceed €120 million, and 150 joint ventures have been created. Close cooperation is observed in infrastructure projects - road construction, electrification, water supply, education, and healthcare - which are of social importance, will reduce the number of emigrants, and channel the dreams of some descendants of Skanderbeg about a Greater Albania into a more rational direction. There is, however, the problem of infringement of the rights of ethnic Greeks, despite the fact that they make a significant contribution to the economy of Albania itself.

In the spring of 2004, the European Commission adopted a resolution "On Albania's fulfillment of its obligations," which welcomed progress in building a pluralistic democracy and a state based on the rule of law and respect for human rights. It approved "unprecedented attempts to establish inter-party dialogue and cooperation" as an "alternative to the features of Albanian politics that have predominated until now - continuous confrontation and obstructionism." The main remarks concerned the need to accelerate the reform process, strengthen the fight against organized crime, as well as "certain business circles making a profit" in conditions of ineffective state administration, especially the police, tax and customs services; shortcomings in the work of the prosecutor's office and courts. The resolution stated that "it is pointless to stamp out one law after another when they are not properly implemented." The European Commission placed "joint responsibility" for Albania's problems and shortcomings on both leading political parties. It was decided to continue monitoring the implementation of reforms in the country.

The parliamentary elections held in July 2005 were considered by EU leaders as the main test for the certificate of maturity of Albania's state and political institutions. The EU allocated €1.5 million to improve the Albanian electoral system and create civil voter registries. On the eve of the elections, the eighth round of negotiations with the EU took place in Albania, the OSCE chairman visited Tirana, in May a youth action was held under the motto "Our citizenship - our Europe," in June an action under the program to combat corruption and organized crime in South-Eastern Europe and other election-related events.

More than 56% of the population took part in the elections, which were already held for the sixth time since 1991, with 27 parties and coalitions participating. For the first time, 100 deputies of the Albanian parliament were elected by direct vote, and another 40 by party lists. More than 3,500 local and 400 foreign observers from the OSCE, the Council of Europe, and the European Parliament monitored the elections. The main trump card of the ruling Socialist Party, led by Prime Minister F. Nano, was the significant economic growth in recent years. However, the victorious Democratic Party, led by its leader and former president S. Berisha, accused it of corruption and major failures in the fight against poverty. "The doors to the EU and NATO are open for us," they declared. "But Albania's accession process to these organizations is being blocked by the corrupt officials in power." Three people died during the riots during the elections. Observers stated that the voting "did not fully comply with democratic standards."

Overall, the past elections did not affect the EU leaders' attitude toward the idea of signing the agreement. They still tend to believe that including countries such as Turkey and Albania in the EU will allow Europe to better control demographic processes for the next 100 years and bring the Islamic religion closer to European values. According to the Albanians themselves, “the diversity of cultures, languages, and traditions is the wealth of present and future Europe.” However, among the majority of Europeans, concern is growing for their security in the presence of “parallel societies.” The example of the “multinational European state” – the Danube Monarchy – is often recalled: as it expanded, it imported instability and internal conflicts from the states it absorbed, which led to its collapse. One of the wise Albanian proverbs says: “Children eat sour plums, but it sets the parents’ teeth on edge.”