Government Commissioner for Migration and Integration Maria Böhmer prefers an individual approach to migrants
This document, which Ms. Böhmer intends to introduce into everyday practice in the current legislative period, is conceived as a record of the obligations of two parties – the state and the foreigner wishing to settle in this state. Moreover, it is a written record, like the formalization of any bilateral transaction – whether it be buying a car or getting married.
According to the authorities' plan, one partner, by signing, guarantees the other help and support in integration, both moral and material. The second undertakes to fully contribute to his own integration – learning German, participating in public life, and recognizing Germany's democratic principles.
In broad strokes, the outline of the "integration contract" could already be found in the coalition agreement worked out by the "black" and "yellow" comrades in the new ruling coalition. It mentioned, in particular, the urgent need for a document "cementing integration measures to promote the adaptation of migrants in German society and their gradual entry into the German labor market." As the main ways to elaborate the contract text, the government cites a "dialogue with migrant associations" and educational work – in particular, active promotion of European values such as freedom of expression and equality between men and women.
Well, the idea is undoubtedly sound, especially against the backdrop of ongoing mistakes and failed projects in Germany's integration policy over recent decades. However, it appeared somewhat belatedly: according to Maria Böhmer and her experts' plans, the main "target group" for the innovation should be migrants currently arriving for permanent residency in Germany. This despite the fact that, as is known, the migration flow has significantly decreased compared even to the 1990s.
"If such a model had been introduced at the height of migration, we could be reaping its fruits today," says sociologist Klaus Bade, a government adviser on migration issues. Now, the professor emphasizes, those "for whom integration measures are especially important – foreigners who have been living in Germany for a long time but have not found their place in the labor market" remain outside the authorities' attention.
Furthermore, the draft "integration contract" lacks any mention of the possibility of recognizing foreign diplomas and professional education certificates, which, according to Green Party Bundestag member Memet Kilic, makes it "as meaningless as the entire coalition agreement."
Another reason for justified criticism of the "integration contract" is the "individual approach" stipulated by Ms. Böhmer's office, which involves recording the "specific life circumstances" of a given migrant in the document. Not only are such agreements hardly to be regarded as a guide for action for state bodies, which, when considering the simplest issue, such as payment for language courses, will have to delve into "specific circumstances." It is even difficult to imagine how large the bureaucratic apparatus of the foreign affairs agencies will grow, which, as part of their duties, will draft contracts and then monitor their compliance, and what cost this innovation will impose on federal, state and local structures, which are already desperately trying to save on integration policy.
But if to an outside observer the idea of an "integration contract" seems purely populist, untimely or even, to put it mildly, unnecessary, then the interested party – migrants – have much more specific reasons to criticize the "black-yellow" innovation. According to the head of the Turkish Community in Germany, Kenan Kolat, such contracts will become "yet another bureaucratic trick legalizing punitive sanctions against 'non-integrated' foreigners," similar to those applied to unemployed benefit recipients who avoid employment, "up to deportation."
As Maria Böhmer says, punitive sanctions for non-fulfillment of the contract terms are not ruled out in the future. Naturally, they are not ruled out, because any signed agreement must be observed by both signatories. Although in our case, the right to punish is given to only one side – sanctions by migrants against the state (for example, for refusing to pay for the same courses) are not provided. Such casuistry.
Yelena Obodovskaya. 