The need for fundamental changes in Germany's immigration legislation, whose foundations were laid back in the 60s of the last century, had long been ripe. In recent years, this was absolutely clear not only to representatives of various strata of German society, but, most importantly, to German politicians themselves. Both to Social Democrats and to conservatives.
The reason that compelled Germany's statesmen to hurry with the adoption of the new law was and remains quite simple. The country's population is aging. Moreover, it is aging at a catastrophic rate. In the Federal Republic of Germany, fewer children are being born, while life expectancy is increasing. The only way to fundamentally change the demographic situation, and consequently the labor market, would be, according to experts, to open Germany to foreign workers and specialists willing to work for the benefit of the Federal Republic.
It would seem that everything is clear. Problems are understood, solutions are outlined. The only thing left is to adopt the new law. But here ‘big politics’ comes into play. Representatives of the CDU/CSU and the FDP decide that the bill proposed by Gerhard Schröder's cabinet is too liberal. They say, lest potential welfare recipients, or even future terrorists, flood the country. And the native population should be reassured. After all, there are already more than four million unemployed in the country!
Despite protests from the Social Democrats, who vainly tried to quickly adopt a truly necessary law, they can do nothing. All the trump cards in the game of tug-of-war soon end up in the hands of the opposition. As a result of numerous state elections lost by the SPD and the Greens, the conservatives gain a majority in the Bundesrat. And therefore, the ability to block any law they do not like. At the same time, the Christian Democrats are happily watching the growing disagreements within the government coalition itself. The Greens, dissatisfied with the tightening rather than loosening (as originally planned!) of immigration legislation, left the negotiation process in May of this year and threatened to break the coalition.
Only the intervention of the head of government, who finally realized that not only his authority but also the positive image of the entire Federal Republic was at stake, radically changes the situation. The compromise version of the law is personally coordinated by the ‘big triumvirate’: Schröder, Merkel, and Stoiber.
The solution found by the politicians marks the end of an exhausting journey. Today, all sides feel a bit like winners. The Greens – because the legal basis for certain categories of refugees has improved. The Reds – because a real opportunity has emerged to invite highly qualified specialists to the country. The Blacks – because an agreement has been reached on the easier expulsion of foreigners who pose a danger to German society.
It will only be possible to judge whether the new law will be good or bad in modern, constantly changing conditions, with the passage of time. What is clear is that it is unlikely to fulfill its original task – turning Germany into a typical immigration country.